|Demographic crisis in Russia
Тема: Demographic crisis in Russia
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Создан: 3 августа 2007 года
Demographic crisis in Russia
Recent demographic trends in Russia have caused widespread public concern. Russia is experiencing unusually high death rates
from nonnatural causes, many related to alcoholism. Life expectancy, especially among working-age males, has dropped precipitously. The Russian fertility rate
has declined to among the world's lowest, while its abortion rate is the highest. As a result, for the first time in Russian history, the annual number
of deaths has exceeded the number of births. Compounding these challenges, the population is aging rapidly--a trend that will accelerate over the next two
decades--and immigration continues to increase, posing thorny political and social problems for a nation historically accustomed to a net outflow of people.
The "Depopulation" of Russia?
In 1992, Russia's population entered a period of negative growth--that is, the number of deaths exceeded the number of births
combined with the number of immigrants. This was a first in the peacetime history of Russia.
This historic population decline has been met with increasing concern in some Russian circles. The Russian mass media have
overflowed with alarming articles on population issues. Based on popular, nonprofessional interpretations of available vital statistics, some are calling
"to save Russia from depopulation." As a result, the general public has been misled about population issues. The average citizen is likely to draw
a direct connection between the current economic slump and a demographic crisis.
This alarmist view ignores long-term trends in fertility. As in many Western industrialized nations, Russia's fertility rate has fallen
over the course of the 20th century from a relatively high level to a low one. In 1920, the average Russian woman was expected to give birth to about 7.5
children in her lifetime; in 1994, that number had fallen to 1.4. This demographic transition is characteristic of industrial and industrializing
nations and is usually associated with greater numbers of women joining the work force and increased divorce and cohabitation, all of which tend to reduce
family size and drive down fertility rates. Similar patterns have emerged in the United States and other Western countries.
However, Russia's fertility patterns have followed their own unique path over the past two decades. In addition to the
decline in births, the age patterns of childbearing have been changing. In many Western countries, the peak childbearing age for women has grown older and now
falls between 25 and 29; by contrast, the peak age in Russia has become younger, occurring between ages 20-24. Furthermore, by 1991, fertility between ages
15-19 exceeded that in the age groups over 30 and rivaled that of the 25-29 age group.
This tendency towards fertility at younger ages is reflected in marriage patterns. Between 1960 and 1995, the average marrying
age of women in Russia fell by 4.2 years, from 26.2 to 22.0. This trend sharply distinguishes Russia from other industrialized nations, where the tendency is
for women to postpone marriage and childbearing.
Contributing to this shift toward earlier childbearing and the low fertility rate has been Russia's high rate of
abortion. The incidence of abortion in Russia is the world's highest. In 1992, there were 225 abortions per 100 births, far exceeding the second highest rate--Romania's--which
was 157 per 100 births. Abortion has become Russia's main method of birth control. Abortions are easily obtained free of charge at virtually all clinics,
while contraceptives have been unavailable. Despite the procedure's prevalence, it frequently poses health risks for Russian women because it is often
performed without proper hygiene or anesthesia. Abortion has also played a role in concentrating women's reproductive activity in early years. Women try to
achieve their desired number of children at a young age and then abort subsequent pregnancies without fear of secondary sterility, which often results
from frequent abortions. Only in recent years, as the availability of effective contraceptives has increased and the negative effects of abortion have been
openly reported by the media, has the number of abortions begun to decline.
Like the trend in fertility, Russia's current net immigration inflow perpetuates trends that emerged earlier, in this case
during the late 1960s and 1970s. The size of this inflow increased dramatically after the collapse of the Soviet Union but appears to have subsided somewhat.
While Russia currently lacks the infrastructure and experience to deal with immigrants on a large scale, immigration is sometimes weighed as an option for
offsetting the natural population decline.
Russia's current population picture need not be viewed as a short-term crisis. A more plausible explanation is that fertility
patterns are resuming their long-term trend after a temporary increase in the 1980s that stemmed from government policies aimed at inducing families to have
more children. These measures included paid maternity leave and extra benefits in housing and services for families with three children or more. The effect of
these measures was to shorten the interval between births. The current pattern suggests that the older timing is reasserting itself. Economic hard times may
have further influenced this pattern. Although a two-child family is still the norm, economic difficulties may force postponement of the second child.
The "Graying" of the Russian Population
The decline in fertility is contributing to a rapid aging of the Russian population. Between 1959 and 1990, the number of
persons aged 60 and over doubled. As a result, at the beginning of the 1990s, the proportion of the population aged 60 or over reached 16 percent. This
figure will reach 20 percent by 2015. By that year, nearly one of out of every three people over 60 will be 75 or older.
The trends of population growth and aging in Russia have been profoundly affected by catastrophic events, such as the two
world wars, the civil war of 1917-1922, and famines in the early 1920s and '30s. These catastrophes have distorted the population pyramid--the typical age
distribution and balance between male and female in the population. For example, huge losses during World War II have caused Russia to have the lowest
overall male-to-female ratio in the world, especially among the elderly. The irregularities of this pyramid will continue to have an impact on the number of
births and the rate of population growth and aging for several decades. This pattern affects such vital spheres as school enrollment, employment, and
Another determinant of the current age structure in Russia has been the declining fertility rate, which is reducing the number
of young people in the population. In the past, the prevailing age structure compensated for the long-term trend toward lower fertility. The average age of
the population was relatively young, and many women were of childbearing age. Beginning in the 1990s, however, this is no longer the case. The age structure
is now such that it will promote a population decrease rather than an increase. Continued low fertility will only accelerate this effect.
The Epidemiological Situation: Deteriorating Russian Health
Perhaps the only genuine crisis aspect of current Russian demographic trends appears in increased rates of mortality,
which have been especially dramatic among working-age men. In 1992, there was a sharp increase in deaths from nonnatural causes. By 1994, mortality rates for
males between ages 15 and 64 were about twice as high as they had been in 1986. Rising alcoholism and related conditions have figured prominently in this trend.
In the mid-1980s, an anti-alcohol campaign championed by Mikhail Gorbachev was responsible for a brief reversal in the mortality trend, but the increase
resumed after the campaign was abandoned in the late 1980s.
Growing alcohol consumption is not the only explanation of increased mortality. Deaths from violence, injuries, and other
nonnatural causes have contributed heavily to the latest rise. Russia's rates of homicide and suicide are among the highest in the world. In addition, deaths
from illness and chronic and degenerative diseases, such as cancer, respiratory failure, and circulatory and cardiovascular diseases, have increased sharply.
It is interesting to note that environmental problems, generally given a large share of blame for Russia's health woes, are in fact not among the main
culprits. Environmental problems cannot explain the increases in accidents, homicides, and suicides or the much greater increases in mortality for
working-age males compared with other population subgroups.
Mirroring the increase in mortality rates, life expectancy in Russia has dropped. However, like the fertility trend, the
current pattern is not new. In the mid-1960s, after decades of increase, life expectancy began to decline. This trend was reversed briefly in the mid-1980s
due, many believe, to the success of the anti-alcohol campaign between 1985 and 1987. However, by 1993, life expectancy fell again. Russia now has the lowest
life expectancy for males in a developed country (58 years) and the largest disparity in the world between male and female life expectancy (13.5 years).
The Failing Health-Care System
The increase in deaths from preventable causes points to problems in Russia's health-care system. Again, these problems are
not a recent phenomenon. They have accumulated over many years. One characteristic of the Soviet period was a lack of incentives to improve medical
services. When changes in the health of the population occurred--such as a decrease of infectious disease and a rise in "civilized" ills, such
as alcoholism, smoking, traffic accidents, and pollution, in the mid-1960s--the health-care system failed to adapt appropriately. Excessive reliance on
ideology led to ineffectual goals and an emphasis on activities that addressed neither the medical problems at hand, the level of national development,
existing medical capabilities, nor public demand. In the 1980s, the system finally made attempts to cope with the changing health environment, but the
strategy was poorly implemented and lacked necessary investments in facilities and equipment.
Although these problems were not created by the current socioeconomic crisis, they have been aggravated by the breakdown of the
old social system. In the Soviet era, virtually all health care was provided free by the state, whose system emphasized the quantity of medical personnel
and facilities, overlooking the quality of services, and pursued goals set on the basis of political ambitions rather than on objective medical needs and
As the command economy crumbled, the public-health sector plunged into a financial crisis. The system found itself
in an emerging market environment without the capacity to function successfully in it. Left without proper funding, health-care facilities were forced to
abandon new construction, renovation, and other basic investments. Cost cutting necessitated switching to cheaper technologies, which proved insufficient to
maintain needed levels of care. Available funds were frequently diverted to current needs. As a result, the health status of the Russian population is
deteriorating, and diseases long thought to be eliminated or controlled--such as diphtheria--are now spreading again.
Reviving an effective health-care system in its current form presents a near-impossible task. Many important medical research
centers, especially at the federal level, have been left without proper financial support. Progress in all spheres of health care is under great
stress. Faced with this situation, the Russian government has attempted to reform the health-care sector through privatization, marketing services in
state-owned facilities, and promoting the private medical sector. One of the main goals of reform is to establish compulsory health insurance financed
through taxes and operated by both the state and the private sector. However, the reform has yet to produce noticeable results. Russians are used to
receiving free health care and many are unwilling and frequently unable to pay for health services.
In addition, serious health-care problems exist that extra spending alone will not address. There are no clearly defined
federal and local health-protection policies, no effective programs for monitoring outcomes, and no openly declared systems of control and delegation
of responsibilities for state and public health institutions. Moreover, the incidence of destructive behaviors, such as violence and alcohol consumption,
has increased. Heavy tobacco use contributes to a high rate of mortality from lung cancer, which occurs 60 percent more frequently in Russia than in the
United States. Without attention to these problems, additional funding for health care per se is likely to have little effect.
Looking Toward the Future: Policy Outlook
The current economic crisis significantly limits the Russian government's ability to deal with demographic trends through
policy intervention. In particular, the problems of the elderly will be difficult to manage. The retired population is growing, while the financial
resources the state devotes to the elderly dwindle. With the declining real value of pensions and the rising costs of health care, the elderly are among
the most economically disadvantaged and vulnerable social groups in Russia. The problems that appear most amenable to policy intervention are those related to
the health-care system. Thoroughly crafted health-care reform components are essential; an ill-designed benefit package, hasty decentralization, and
overreliance on the private sector will only aggravate the situation. At the same time, promoting healthier lifestyles among Russians--reduced smoking and
alcohol consumption, better diets--could improve health substantially.
Knowledge about Russia's demographics should help dispel the popular notion of a demographic crisis. The continuation of
several long-term patterns, such as declining fertility and historically high mortality, accounts for many of the current trends. While it is undoubtedly
true that economic conditions have aggravated current problems, there is no strong evidence linking these problems with recent economic and political
reforms. Some of the most dramatic changes appear to be compensatory effects following the abandonment of previous policies: for example, the retreat from
pronatalist and anti-alcohol initiatives of the 1980s. In fact, it has been suggested that whatever crisis features are present in Russia's current
situation might be attributable to a delay in reforms--for example, delay in reforming the health-care system. This delay hampers the adaptation of social
institutions to the new realities of economic and family behavior in Russia. Furthermore, the most recent data suggest that the mortality and
life-expectancy situation has begun to improve.
The new demographic realities in Russia are not fundamentally different from those facing most industrial nations--a decreasing
population, aging, shifts in family composition. Since it is impossible for Russia to avoid these changes, the challenge lies in addressing them
effectively. Toward that end, a great deal of further research is required to disentangle the effects of earlier policies, current reforms, and other factors
in explaining Russia's demographic patterns. Although they may not add up to a crisis, these trends will continue to pose difficult challenges for those
deciding the direction of Russian policy
Alexander V. Myskin, gr. 301